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Contacts: pfdileo gmail. This article presents the major findings of an investigation whose general purpose is to analyze the representations around schooling in biographical accounts by migrants who reside in poor urban fringes, in order to explore the relationships between their own educational trajectories and those of girls and boys under their care. To construct data, a qualitative methodological strategy was devised with the use of semi-structured biographical interviews with adult migrants who live in a vulnerable neighborhood in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, Argentina, and who are parents or take care of girls and boys in elementary school.
Data analysis was based on the guidelines provided by the grounded theory. This article develops the main results of the study, organized in three dimensions: educative experiences of the adults; schoolings of children; intergenerational transmission of experiences. Conclusion is that migrants from popular sectors construct and transmit intergenerationally their school experiences going through several social tests and identity discontinuities, in which changes occur in the meanings and the articulations of logics of action: integration, strategy, and subjectivation.
The educational trajectory takes a central role as a primary element of support to the family migratory project, consolidated as a shared effort. Since the late 19th century and the early 20th century, there are records in Argentina of the massive coming of European immigrants who were welcomed by the governments at that time, considering what these people brought along in terms of the honor of labor, values of civility, and their civic contribution.
The school played a fundamental role since it enabled the transmission of the same history, geography, patriotic symbols, in a nutshell, basic knowledge and practices for the construction and access to citizenship in a society BEHERAM, Over time several periods succeed which involve changes in migratory issues.
From on, foreigners from the neighboring countries begin to register 2 , who performed a agricultural tasks. In , owing to the crisis in the field, such foreigners move to Buenos Aires looking for jobs in the industrial sector. In the absence of an adequate housing policy, they settle in the villas shanty towns of the city. The end of this period coincides with the crisis of the neoliberal model, immigrants are blamed for the socioeconomic failure and xenophobic perspectives go widespread.
Until the end of the century, the migratory policies become restrictive, with greater constraints, impediments, and deportations which affect mainly the regional migrants. The influence of the media, the statements by politician and other important persons, situates the foreign individual as an usurper, a thief, an opportunist, or a sick person BEHERAM, According to the last census, the migrant population in Argentina represents today 4. They are mainly located in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires.
They perform mostly construction works, household chores, and sewing in textile workshops. Out of this group, 34 percent are come from abroad. Although most of the children who live in the shanty towns are Argentinean, they are treated — stigmatized and discriminated against — as if they were foreigners.
This reproduction of the negative stereotypes inherited from the parents is one of the mechanisms that legitimates the inequalities, as unwanted children of migrants. For that matter, as arises from the study by Di Leo and Tapia , the feeling of shame in relation to the use of the language — or other central dimensions of the self — generates strong marks in the subjectivity of young migrants or children of migrants, especially when it is produced or deepens in their school experiences.
The approach to these complexities found in the social experiences of migrants requires a change in the sociological perspective. Even though the classical representations of the social still play an important role, more and more researches in this field focus on the individuals, their experiences, reflexivity, and identity constructions.
The sociology of individuation by Martuccelli takes this perspective by for looking for the type of individual that is structurally manufactured by a society in a given historical period.
This sociology makes use of two analytical operators which allow to study the links between the social and the individual. First of all, the notion of support has to do with the existential and social capacities of the individual to sustain themselves in the world.
There is no individual without a very important set of emotional, material and symbolic supports which unfold along their biographical experience, through intertwined links with their social and institutional contexts. Secondly, the notion of test refers to those historical challenges that are socially produced, culturally represented, and unequally shared, which the individual usually go through in a society. This perspective allows us to explorer analytically the social experience of the individuals, from a double movement: on one hand, it is a way of perceiving the social world its conditionings and pre-existing situations , on the other hand, inasmuch as the social is not taken for granted, a priori, nor has it unity or coherence, it is necessary to construct it as well as to construct oneself.
Thus, the experience is neither entirely determined nor entirely free. In turn, the school experience appears to the actor as a test, which impose the work of combining such logics. In the following section we summarize the methodological strategy utilized in the construction and analysis of data. Next, we develop the main results of the study related to three major dimensions tackled in the study: educational experiences of adults; schooling of children; intergenerational transmission of experiences.
In the conclusion, we present a synthesis and articulation of the main categories and conceptual tools developed. The biographical events or turns allow to identify the moments where important branches or changes come up in the individual experiences. Such incidents are selected, described, and evaluated by the persons in the light of their subsequent experiences. For that matter, from this perspective the biographical account has a performative nature: it does not recover nor represents a history but rather establishes it from the present by virtue of the selection of the significant events by the interviewees.
For this reason, it is not possible to conceive the former without the latter. It is important to include the temporal dimension, in past—present—future, since the school experience of the children is in progress. They are the actual students in the elementary schools at the moment, and because of that it is not possible to see such trajectories are processes that are complete but rather they are constantly being constructed.
The field work took place along in a villa in CABA. Participants were contacted by means of a key informant who Works in health service in the area and then the snowball strategy was utilized.
Each meeting lasted an hour and a half approximately. In some cases participants were interviewed twice, taking place in the health service facility which provided us with an office.
Such encounters involved an approach to the representations that the individuals construct around their own life histories. To achieve that, there was an effort to keep all along the field work a constant reflexivity about the frontiers between the woman interviewer and the interviewers of both sexes, associated with their diverse origins and identities regarding class, profession, gender, race, and nationality GUBER, The fact that the interviews were conducted in a health facility located in the same neighborhood made it easier to establish a relationship of confidence which, even if it did not annul entirely the symbolic frontiers, enabled to build bridges to support the involvement of participants during the subsequent encounters.
In them, some individuals felt mobilized — weeping, laughing —, to the point that they brought new memories to the following meeting. As we have argued above, the account has a performative nature: in these narrations formulated in front of another person, meanings, presentations and projections are produced around the identities and experiences, both of the individuals and of the children under their care. Before starting the interviews, each participant was explained about the research project including purpose, duration, institutional framework.
Participants expressed their willingness to take part in the study. They were also told that they could abandon the meeting at any time with no need to explain the reason why.
They were assured complete confidentiality through the use of fictional identification data in subsequent transcriptions or publications. Al lof this was sealed with the signing of an informed consent form. Each participant was given a copy of such form with contact information of the researcher and her supervisor. Table 1 details the composition and the main characteristics of the sample of migrants and children under their care:.
Interviewees are 30 to 60 years old, all of them are from urban areas. Roberta is the only one who was born and spent her childhood in a littler rural district, 70 km from Asuncion, Paraguay.
This never happened there. The villas make up neighborhoods with diffuse urban plots, unthreatened layouts, deficient basic services and irregular land ownership CRAVINO, There live 27, inhabitants. A quarter of these homes are not provided with sewage system, which is a sanitary jeopardy that also affects the environmental conditions of the villa INDEC, For data analysis, we turned to the criteria provided by the Grounded Theory, which proposes a constant coming and going between the theory and the data constructed along the fieldwork.
Such articulation allows to develop the following instances, as well as the delimitation of the criterion of theoretical saturation, accounting for the exhaustion of new information provided by the participating individuals, to construct our categories. In parallel to the interviewees and observations, software Atlas.
Top-down encoding: resuming the previous conceptual work and the major dimensions of the semi-structured interview guides, an initial list of codes was devised to which the documental corpus was applied to conduct an initial classification of the information.
Bottom-up encoding: new codes are added or the existing ones are modified as important topics, information and meaning clusters are identified, from the reading and re-reading of the discursive corpus. Once completed the encoding process for the entire set of interviews, in order to make the analysis easier, codes were grouped into families, according to affinities in the topics, the meanings or their links to concepts arising from the theoretical framework and the state of the art, whose final construction was done in dialogue with the data.
Next, we developed the central categories identified in the analysis, around three major dimensions addressed by the study: educational experiences of the adults; schooling of the children; intergenerational transmission of experiences. When narrating their experiences in elementary schools in their countries of origin, migrants highlighted the importance of order, discipline and respecting the rules and teachers. It was very strict. If you misbehaved, they would put you in the pig position, as they say, in a corner with your feet up.
And, the next day you were supposed to have done it, to have fulfilled the task Ester. This type of dynamics fits a traditional institutional management that is peculiar of the modern society. The classical institutions school, family, church ensured the stability and reproduction of an order by transforming values into norms and these into individual personalities. We see the primacy of the logic of integration, since the interviewees behave as students who, by learning the roles, reproduce the values of society.
Now, still with disciplining manners and unquestionable teachers, the interviewees place the school as a bearing in their biographies. They highlight that there they could play, have fun, be heard and held by the women teachers.
It is important to mention that participants went through situations of violence, labor or household obligations and violation of their rights. On the other hand, for the interviewees attending class involves a challenge, in tension with other demands, which not always they can bypass successfully. M: Yes, but I had two years more to get bachelor diploma. I could not because, the issue of … the economy. Because my dad was the only one who worked in the family. My mom, when he died, had no idea of what she had to do, that is, at the moment we had to go out and get a job Mario.
In the testimonies, the family and economic tests prevail over the school duties: household or economic maintenance obligations are quite strong, to the point of threatening the continuity of schooling. Here we also observe the logic of integration traversed by gender rules as it is emphasized that the place of a woman is within the household and a man is the provider. The link between family and school is structured based on three great lines of meaning.
All of them say there were not actively accompanied in their schooling, they got not help with the homework and were not encouraged to go on. As parents did not provide any active support to the schooling of children under their care, we observe the primacy of the logic of integration. Another line of meaning refers to the way teachers called on the families, along the school dynamics.
Interviewees argue that their parents were summoned only when there was a problem related to misbehavior or academic achievement of the children under their care; the main communication medium was the communication notebook. A hierarchical preeminence of the school over the family can be observed. The family should participate ini the times and spaces assigned, and the interviewees did not see this as a conflict.
First of all, they point out containment and affection as fundamental elements:. Eh, I took them out of the school, this one that was municipal at the time, because although I had since the elementary [grades], the religion, what I mentioned for this school is the containment. It was even noted at home, they way you eat, in being polite to ask to be excused, in all those things regarding us.
Such affectionate condition and the containment reveals one of the forms of acknowledgement identified by Honneth : the affectionate way or love.
South Lake Tahoe, CA. Somerset, PA. Grand Island, NY. Sandra has also lived in Essex, Massachusetts and Gloucester, Massachusetts.
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